3.1. David CALLAHAN : WHAT IS GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY?
< http://www.civnet.org/journal/vol3no1/ftdcall.htm>

The term 'globalisation' conjures up a panoply of bleak images to many, the term globalization conjures up a panoply of bleak images: multinational corporations wielding more power than governments; dirt cheap labor replacing well-paying jobs; and unregulated international capital flows spawning economic bubbles that burst with dire consequences. Globalization, it is often claimed, is creating a world inhospitable to democratic values and economic justice-a world in which the proverbial little person is fast becoming smaller than ever. But there is another, more benign face of globalization that has received less attention: the rise of a "global civil society" is linking together political activists and social reformers in different countries more tightly than at any time in history. Just as advances in communications technology have allowed global commerce to be conducted at a rising tempo, so, too, have they facilitated the growing transnational exchange of ideas and organizing tactics, creating a new sense of community among non-governmental organizations spread across the planet. "The global information revolution has transformed civil society before our very eyes," commented UN Secretary General Kofi Annan earlier this year. The implications of global civil society are hazy, yet tantalizing. Will huge networks and coalitions of citizen activists come to rival international governmental organizations (IGOs) in the next century as leading vehicles of transnational cooperation? Will new democratic processes arise at the worldwide level that can offset the clout of global capital? And, will national public policy debates increasingly be influenced by social and economic norms that hold sway globally?

There is another, more benign face of globalisation. The concept of global civil society is hardly new, although the term has only come into widespread circulation in the 1990s. Over the past hundred years, efforts to strengthen cross-border links among nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have run parallel to the far more visible crusade to create IGOs that could bring the rule of law to global affairs. At the dawn of this century, there was a proliferation of citizen associations in both the United States and Europe. This development, along with advances in transportation and communications in the early 1900s, produced early attempts to institutionalize global civil society. One notable example was the creation of the Central Office of International Associations, which was founded in 1907 by Henri La Fontaine (who would win the Nobel Peace Prize in 1913). Later renamed the Union of International Associations and still in existence today, this organization was founded with the goal of linking together nongovernmental groups in many different countries with the hope that such ties would help solve world problems. The first half of the twentieth century also saw the creation of NGO coalitions to press specific agendas: international women's associations, labor union alliances, coalitions dedicated to disarmament and world peace, and associations aimed at strengthening international organizations. By 1939, there were an estimated 700 international NGOs. To many mid-century "One World" idealists, the creation of the United Nations in 1945 was but an interim step to true world government; and transnational links between citizens groups were seen as helping to pave the way to this dream. The World Federalist Movement, founded in 1947, is among the more well-known organizations dedicated to the goal of stronger world governance that emerged during this period.

The implications of global civil society are hazy, yet tantalizing. Decades of Cold War put a damper on the One World crusade. Today, however, the spirit of that movement can be seen in a range of new efforts to strengthen global civil society. While the current generation of transnational citizen activists do not talk so much of world government, they do still invoke other One World ideals-mainly the dream that some day a single set of political, social, and economic norms will bind all the planet's people together in a more just and democratic fashion. The rapid rise of global civil society during the 1990s can be seen in three main developments: the growing size and sophistication of international NGO coalitions and networks; the strengthening of ties between NGOs and IGOs; and the increasing frequency and effectiveness of ad hoc international campaigns by citizen activists. In recent years, NGOs have become increasingly adept at banding together in common purpose. By pooling resources and coordinating their actions, they have strengthened their presence in international deliberations on a range of global issues. At a more formal level, the General Assembly of European NGOs has institutionalized efforts to build linkages among citizen groups in the European Union. Delegates to this organization are elected from each of the 15 EU countries and come together for regular conferences. At a less formal level, there now exist scores of international NGO networks that link NGOs at both a regional and global level. These include organizations like the Third World Network, a Malaysian-based organization that links up NGOs in the developing world that are working on environmental issues; and the International Federation of Human Rights, a Paris-based network of 89 human rights groups located in more than 70 countries. In November 1995, over eighty NGO networks came together in Manila to discuss ways to leverage their growing presence in international affairs. Many of the participants at this meeting saw a stronger global NGO community as a critical counterweight to the rising power of transnational corporations. A paper written for the meeting stated: "In the long run, we have to invent the infrastructure so citizens can participate effectively in the democratic management of the global system. In the next decade, NGOs and their networks are one of the important precursors of an accountable global civil society. They are one of the few actors who try to articulate the global public interest."

The concept of global civil society is hardly new. In addition to organizing through networks, NGOs have also allied themselves across borders in committees or coalitions focused on particular issues. Prominent examples include the NGO Coalition for an International Criminal Court, the NGO Committee on Disarmament, and the NGO Initiatives on the UN Financial Crisis. Typically, these committees focus on influencing the United Nations or other international organizations. Some NGO groups endure for years; others fade away after a short time. Some are more mainstream and conservative; others operate at the fringe of accepted debate. One newcomer to this scene is the Conference of Peoples' Global Action Against Free Trade and the World Trade Organization. Holding its first international gathering in Geneva in May 1998, this coalition includes NGOs from Africa, Asia, and Latin America that are united in the view that economic globalization is having a highly destructive impact in developing countries. The growth of global civil society has been manifested not just by new ties between NGOs, but by stronger links between NGOs and IGOs. When the UN was first founded in 1945, provisions were made to allow NGOs a very limited consultative status. Over time, the consultative rights of NGOs in regard to international organizations has expanded dramatically. NGOs now have a consultative role with a number of the UN's agencies, and the overall number of NGOs with consultative status at the UN has skyrocketed. Some 2,000 NGOs now have some of consultative status at the UN, with more than 70 large international NGOs enjoying the highest level of such status: some participation in UN proceedings. Kofi Annan has pledged to further strengthen these ties, saying in July 1998 that "a true partnership between NGOs and the United Nations is not an option; it is a necessity." In 1999, the United Nations University is sponsoring a major conference that will examine ways to build partnerships between civil society actors and the United Nations system. Cyril Ritchie, the main organizer of the event, explained that new institutional arrangements were needed to reflect the radically changed nature of power in the global system: "It is the people's participation in managing global problems and the increasingly complex role of civil society that distinguish our era from past ones." Another focal point for NGOs seeking a greater formal role in global decision-making has been the major international conferences held during the 1990s. The Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 marked the emergence of NGOs as important players in such conferences. The 1,500 NGOs accredited to participate in the Rio conference often stole the show, putting forth a range of dramatic proposals and generally stirring up the proceedings at every turn. NGOs also played a prominent role in the Commission on Sustainable Development, an institution created as a result of Rio. At the 1994 world population conference at Cairo, NGO participation was even greater. And, in September 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women attracted a stunning 35,000 NGO representatives to Beijing. The preparatory sessions for these international conferences, along with the new institutions that emerged in their wake, have been critical in strengthening cooperative ties among NGOs, as well as sharpening their advocacy skills within the global arena.

NGOs have become increasingly adept at banging together in common purpose. In addition to organizing through networks, NGOs have also allied themselves across borders in committees or coalitions focused on particular issues. Prominent examples include the NGO Coalition for an International Criminal Court, the NGO Committee on Disarmament, and the NGO Initiatives on the UN Financial Crisis. Typically, these committees focus on influencing the United Nations or other international organizations. Some NGO groups endure for years; others fade away after a short time. Some are more mainstream and conservative; others operate at the fringe of accepted debate. One newcomer to this scene is the Conference of Peoples' Global Action Against Free Trade and the World Trade Organization. Holding its first international gathering in Geneva in May 1998, this coalition includes NGOs from Africa, Asia, and Latin America that are united in the view that economic globalization is having a highly destructive impact in developing countries. The growth of global civil society has been manifested not just by new ties between NGOs, but by stronger links between NGOs and IGOs. When the UN was first founded in 1945, provisions were made to allow NGOs a very limited consultative status. Over time, the consultative rights of NGOs in regard to international organizations has expanded dramatically. NGOs now have a consultative role with a number of the UN's agencies, and the overall number of NGOs with consultative status at the UN has skyrocketed. Some 2,000 NGOs now have some of consultative status at the UN, with more than 70 large international NGOs enjoying the highest level of such status: some participation in UN proceedings. Kofi Annan has pledged to further strengthen these ties, saying in July 1998 that "a true partnership between NGOs and the United Nations is not an option; it is a necessity." In 1999, the United Nations University is sponsoring a major conference that will examine ways to build partnerships between civil society actors and the United Nations system. Cyril Ritchie, the main organizer of the event, explained that new institutional arrangements were needed to reflect the radically changed nature of power in the global system: "It is the people's participation in managing global problems and the increasingly complex role of civil society that distinguish our era from past ones." Another focal point for NGOs seeking a greater formal role in global decision-making has been the major international conferences held during the 1990s. The Earth Summit in Rio in 1992 marked the emergence of NGOs as important players in such conferences. The 1,500 NGOs accredited to participate in the Rio conference often stole the show, putting forth a range of dramatic proposals and generally stirring up the proceedings at every turn. NGOs also played a prominent role in the Commission on Sustainable Development, an institution created as a result of Rio. At the 1994 world population conference at Cairo, NGO participation was even greater. And, in September 1995, the Fourth World Conference on Women attracted a stunning 35,000 NGO representatives to Beijing. The preparatory sessions for these international conferences, along with the new institutions that emerged in their wake, have been critical in strengthening cooperative ties among NGOs, as well as sharpening their advocacy skills within the global arena.